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The consensus view seemed to be that land ownership and rent were somewhat anomalous compared to other forms of property, that economists should leave the justification of property rights to the philosophers and just assume it as a given, the defense of the existing distribution of property titles should be left to the politicians and judges, and in general that landownership and rent was so useful to the functioning of the economy that any anomalies could just be overlooked.
This situation was completely unacceptable to both Bastiat and Molinari who wanted to ground political economy in an unassailable natural rights framework which the socialists could not overthrow either politically or theoretically. In S12 he argues that most people have things back to front when they try to explain the origin of rent. Rent does not act as a cause in the formation of prices; it is only a result. That it rent represents no work completed nor any compensation for losses undergone or to be undergone.
That it is the result of artificial circumstances, which are bound to disappear along with the causes which gave rise to them. Natural disruptions occur if there is a crop failure or a flood which reduce the supply of food. These are temporary disruptions which will be overcome by importing food from elsewhere until the local farmers can return to normal production.
Artificial disruptions to the equilibrium of the market are the result of monopolies and privileges which some producers can get from the state which reduces the supply of food which gets to the market and thus raises its price for consumers. Molinari must have been a great fan of the theatre as he mentions it quite frequently in his writings.
Music, art, theatre, and other forms of fine art were heavy regulated by the French state.nordsacmali.tk
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They could be subsidized, granted a monopoly of performance, the number of venues and prices of tickets were regulated, and they were censored and often shut down for overstepping the bounds of political acceptability. This happened each time revolution broke out in France.
As soon as censorship collapsed in the wake of an uprising the number of theatres proliferated and the subject matter naturally turned to political topics which had previously been outlawed. Molinari would have witnessed this first hand in Paris in the first half of This experiment in freedom came to an end in when Napoleon reintroduced censorship and limited the number of theatre companies to 8. In the budget the relatively small amount of fr. These pleasures of the poor man are taxed to the advantage of the rich man.
There is what the July monarchy has done for us. We know that it was the habit of some of the economists to draw upon French literature in their attempts to popularize economics for the general reader. Edgar Quinet was a republican politician, professor of languages, and playwright who was elected twice to the National Assembly during the Revolution.
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Quinet has Prometheus explain why he brought fire to mankind:. I blew on the cinders and made them feel the spirit: Obscure books, burning questions, Written during the night on the brow of nations, The enigma of death, the enigma of life, Liberty, the one idol which I sacrifice to, Who then, if it is not me, will bring these things from the heavens? Crassus offers his daughter Emilie in marriage to Spartacus in order to cement a possible peace treaty between them, which Spartacus rejects in the following words:.
In order to be worthy of marrying her in Rome, I would have to renounce and not just sacrifice the liberty of the world for the interest of a man: I will not not buy my happiness at such a price. The interest in Spartacus at this time was not just verbal but also visual. Molinari might well have seen this in his travels around Paris.
For long centuries, humanity groaned in the limbo of servitude. From one age to another, however, the somber clamor of distress and anger echoed in the hearts of the enslaved and exploited masses. The slaves rose up against their masters, demanding liberty. That was the cry of the captives of Egypt, the slaves of Spartacus, the peasants of the Middle Ages, and more recently of the bourgeoisie oppressed by the nobility and religious corporations, of the workers oppressed by masters and guilds. That was the cry of all those who found their property confiscated by monopoly and privilege.
That was the burning aspiration of all those whose natural rights had been forcibly repressed. The liberal theory of plunder was based upon the idea that to deprive a person of their justly acquired property, for whatever reason and by whatever person or institution, even or especially the state, was a violation of their natural rights and was therefore unjust and an act of theft. One can trace this tradition of thinking back to the writings of J. Say in the s and that of Charles Comte and Charles Dunoyer in the s and s. Unfortunately, none of his economist colleagues took up the challenge and this precocious initial effort went no further.
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He gives a very concise summary of this perspective in the following passage:. The change in vocabulary suggests a change in perspective about what the state was and how it affected the economy. The Bastiat criminal theory of the state saw the state transferring the justly acquired resources of the producers to a privileged class of beneficiaries in an act of criminal behaviour. The pathological theory of the state which Molinari was developing saw the state as an intrusive and harmful entity which destroyed the healthy tissue of the economy and society which would die unless the pathogen could be stopped or eliminated.
The pathogens Molinari had in mind included such things as a parasitic bureaucratic class; a military which killed people, destroyed property, and disrupted trade; and a legislature which passed laws prohibiting or regulating productive economic activity. With the sang froid of the expert surgeon who cuts out the cancerous flesh, J. Say has shown us at what point a government which has not been strictly limited to fulfilling its natural functions can plunge the entire economy of the social body into trouble, corruption, and sickness, and he has stated that in his eyes this kind of government is a veritable ulcer.
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He thought that many members of the Chamber of Deputies responsible for the overthrow of the monarchy were adherents of this view of the corrupting effects of government. As progress has given rise to the vital forces of society, what is the cure for this ulcer which devours them?
If, as I have tried to demonstrate, the problem comes from the anti-economic constitution of governments, the cure obviously consists in making this constitution conform to the essential principles which it does not understand, namely to make it economic. The Classical School economists tied themselves into knots trying to sort out the confusion over key concepts such as value, utility, price, and wealth which they had inherited from Adam Smith and David Ricardo. Say sensed that there was a problem with this approach and that more things were bought and sold on the market than physical things which embodied some objective quantity of labour.
A handful of Economists like Bastiat and Molinari on the other hand were trying to rework their theories during the s and s without complete success. Bastiat went the furthest in the direction of the subjectivist theory of value. This idea became a cornerstone of his treatise on economics, the Economic Harmonies. The idea was innovative because it made the theory of exchange much more general and abstract than it had been under the classical school of Smith and Ricardo.
For example, a banker provided the borrower with the money now when it was more urgently needed and not later, thus providing the borrower with a much needed service for which he was willing to pay.
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With this idea of personal evaluation of goods and services Bastiat was very close to an Austrian theory of subjective value. They were not willing to listen to such a radical challenge to one of the main planks of the Smithian-Ricardian orthodoxy. Thus like Bastiat, on the issue of value Molinari moved away from focusing on any intrinsic quality of the object being traded to a more subjective and individualist approach where the fluctuating hierarchy of an individual's needs determines the value of a good or service being exchanged. Thiers Paris: Lelong et Cie, Marrast, Proudhon, Louis Blanc, Ed.
Bastiat, de Parieu, et une introduction et des notes par M. Joseph Garnier Paris : Guillaumin, Proudhon et M. Paris, Paulin, , 1 vol. Vervloet, Molinari, "Le commerce des grains.